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Based on the events surrounding the legacy of Vladimir Zhirinovsky, it’s time to shoot a remake…

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Based on the events surrounding the legacy of Vladimir Zhirinovsky, it’s time to shoot a remake of “The Death of Stalin.” The party still has a brand, electorate, governors, party budget, property and lobbying resources. And Zhirinovsky’s retinue fights no less fiercely than Khrushchev against Beria over the still warm corpse of Stalin. There are two storylines in the liberal-democratic tragicomedy: the first is a fight for party leadership, the second is a fuss over the Duma mandate of the deceased.

Candidates for leadership are scandalous man Leonid Slutsky and Samara fencer Mikhail Degtyarev. Both drag behind them a trail of idiotic initiatives, wild scandals and ridiculous absurdities, that is, they fully meet the criteria of negative selection. The only difference is that Slutsky specializes in journalists and singers with their mouths, and Degtyarev comes from the Spartan (blue) wing of the liberal democrats. Otherwise, the candidates to replace Zhirinovsky are worthy of each other.

As for the mandate, among the candidates are Andrei Svintsov, Alexander Sherin and Maxim Zaitsev. The choice in favor of Svintsov was quite obvious until the leader’s son intervened Igor Lebedevwho was eager to drag his neighbor in an apartment in Miami into the Duma and place him in the chair of vice speaker – Sergei Zhigarev. By the way, Lebedev sent dad a wreath with the inscription “Let’s make peace” for the funeral. He sent it from godless America, but he didn’t come. There are good reasons to be afraid of the Motherland: the leader’s son was a drop-in for holding party property, but he got out of control and the collective farm property became private. Now a (not) foreign agent from the state of Florida is pushing Zhigarev, who is supported by the head of the UVP Andrei Yarin. If he is elected, Lebedev promises to return the building of the Institute of World Civilizations and some small change from the piggy bank stolen from dad.

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After forty days of mourning, a High Council is planned. Its temporary custodian, Slutsky, is becoming increasingly comfortable with the leader’s crown, and meanwhile, agents of the bearer of the Greek traditions of male friendship, Mikhail Degtyarev, are scurrying around the capital. They probe, probe, wink, beckon. In Khabarovsk the electorate did not like Misha, but in Moscow they loved him, although it was not the love of the electorate. Therefore, Degtyarev really wants to quickly complete his vile mission and return to Moscow.

There is another twist in the fight for the mandate: Tuapse kebab-maker Yuri Napso rebelled against the American (non-)foreign agent Lebedev and the main Moscow fighter against foreign agents Yarin. He promised Slutsky to finance the party if he gave a ride to Zhigarev, whom he hated. There is a long-standing conflict between party members; they can’t eat, they don’t like each other. Meanwhile, Zhigarev screws Yaroslav Nilov with Alexey Didenko and stimulates the Napso crime in the Krasnodar region.

The ruler of the Smolensk swamps, Alexei Ostrovsky, and the London poisoner Andrei Lugovoi are still lurking in the shadows. Their chances of joining the party heritage are not too great, since only Slutsky (connection of Vladimir Resin, God Nisanov and the penguinarch), Napso (robbed Sechin), Zhigarev (mom gave it) and Lebedev (dad did not have time to pick it up) are ready to contribute to the needs of the LDPR. Fateful days for the LDPR pass in such an atmosphere: no one thinks about the meaning and strategy. Fat toads peck at the slippery snakes, but in general the falcons got to the mice. And no matter how this freak show ends, it is clear that the LDPR died along with Zhirinovsky.

“ВЧК ОГПУ”